Everything about Stephane Dion totally explained
Stéphane Maurice Dion,
PC,
MP (born
September 28,
1955, in
Quebec City,
Quebec) is the leader of the
Liberal Party of Canada and
Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition in the
Canadian House of Commons. Since
1996, he's been the
Member of Parliament for the riding of
Saint-Laurent–Cartierville in
Montreal.
Dion is a former
academic who served as a
cabinet minister under
Jean Chrétien and
Paul Martin. Like all former Cabinet ministers, he's a member of the
Queen's Privy Council for Canada, and has the right to the style "
The Honourable" and the postnominal "PC" for life.
Life before politics
Stéphane Dion is the second of five children born to
Quebec academic
Léon Dion, a noted
federalist, and to Denyse Dion, a real-estate agent born in Paris, France. Dion was raised in a modest home on Liegeois Boulevard in the
Sillery district of
Quebec City. While growing up, he remembers being taunted for his family's secularism in a society which was then predominantly Catholic.
He studied political science at
Université Laval in the department co-founded by his father., and this was also where he met his future wife, Janine Krieber, a fellow-student in the same program. He obtained
BA and
MA degrees in 1977 and 1979 respectively (his master's thesis presented an analysis of the evolution of
Parti Québécois electoral strategies), after which he and Janine departed together for France.
Dion was involved with the
sovereignty movement, first as a teenager attending a Jesuit college in Quebec City,, and later as a university student campaigning for
Parti Québécois candidate
Louise Beaudoin in the 1976 election. Mr. Dion described his experience as follows:
» "Because the party was there... I wanted to challenge my dad... the way to become an adult sometimes is to say the contrary to your father. Each evening, I'd try out a new argument I'd heard on the separatist network and my father was demolishing it... My father very quietly and very respectfully was refuting me, without insulting me."
Dion spent four years in
Paris, living with Janine in the
Montmartre district and studying public administration under the tutelage of noted sociologist
Michel Crozier. Professor Denis St. Martin, a former colleague at the
Université de Montréal, later remarked: "... his vision of Canada was very influenced by his views on the politics and society of France – very Cartesian, very much about clarity...." ., After receiving a doctorate (
doctorat d'état) in
sociology from the
Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (commonly known as
Sciences Po), Dr. Dion worked briefly as a teaching assistant at the
Université de Moncton in 1984 before moving on to the Université de Montréal to assume an assistant professor position. Dion taught at the Université de Montréal from 1984 to January 1996, specializing in the study of public administration and organizational analysis and theory, and was a guest scholar at the
Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. during a 1990–91 sabbatical leave.
After the failure of the
Meech Lake Accord in 1990, Dion directed his intellectual inquiry towards an analysis of Quebec nationalism. His decisive conversion to federalism, as he later recounted to journalist Michel Vastel, occurred as he was preparing for a presentation in Washington:
» "I was seated before my computer at 11 o'clock, and, at noon, I'd a text that was so interesting that the Americans wanted to publish it. It was that day that I realized I was truly a federalist." (« Je me suis assis devant mon ordinateur à 11 h et, à midi, j'avais un texte tellement intéressant que les Américains ont voulu le publier. C'est ce jour-là que je me suis rendu compte que j'étais vraiment fédéraliste. »). A collection of Dion's speeches and writings on Canadian unity was published under the title
Straight Talk (
Le pari de la franchise) in 1999.) Dion was also a guest scholar at the Laboratoire d'économie publique de Paris from 1994 to 1995, a Co-editor of the
Canadian Journal of Political Science from 1990 to 1993, and a research fellow at the Canadian Centre for Management Development (now part of the
Canada School of Public Service) from 1990 to 1991.
Both the government of Quebec and the government of Canada publicly stated that they were very pleased with the opinion of the Supreme Court, which stated both that Quebec couldn't legally separate
unilaterally from Canada and that the
Canadian Parliament would have a 'political obligation' to enter into separation negotiations with Quebec in the event that a clear majority of its populace were to vote in favor of independence.
The three letters
The Supreme Court reference launched a public debate between Dion and members of the Parti Québécois government in open letters published in the press.. Following
Lucien Bouchard's open letter to the Premier of New Brunswick,
Frank McKenna, in 1997 defending the legality of a unilateral secession, Dion wrote the first of three open letters to leaders in the sovereignty movement. Dion challenged three assertions that Bouchard had made: that a unilateral declaration of independence is supported by international law; that a majority of "50% plus one" was a sufficient threshold for secession; and that international law would protect the territorial integrity of Quebec following a secession. Against the first assertion, Dion argued that the vast majority of international law experts "believe that the right to declare secession unilaterally doesn't belong to constituent entities of a democratic country such as Canada."
Clarity Act
The Supreme Court reference and three letters formed the basis for the
Clarity Act (Bill C-20) presented by Dion to the House of Commons on
December 13,
1999. The legislation established the conditions under which the Government of Canada would enter into negotiations that might lead to secession following a vote by one of the provinces. It stipulated that in order to lead to separation negotiations, a referendum on independence in a given province would have to have "clearly" (according to the judgment of the
Canadian House of Commons) framed its question to voters in terms of independence, and that the result would have to be a "clear majority" in favour, rather than a "50% plus one" majority. It was passed by the House on March 15, 2000
Reactions to Clarity Act
The
Clarity Act was supported by the Liberals and Reform Party in Parliament. Most in the NDP supported it too, but leader Jack Layton was opposed.
Progressive Conservative Party, led by
Joe Clark, also opposed the Act. The Act was more bitterly denounced by all provincial parties in the Quebec National Assembly, the Bloc Québécois, and many Quebec federalists. Following its adoption by Parliament, an open letter supporting Quebec's right to
self-determination was published and signed by numerous intellectuals from Quebec and other parts of Canada.
William Johnson, leader of Quebec's largest anglophone rights group,
Alliance Quebec said the Act would prevent misinformation by sovereignists on the topic of secession.
Dion's vigorous opposition to Quebec sovereignist claims appears to have had the desired effect: Support for Sovereignty-Association plummeted to 24% in October 1999 after the Supreme Court reference. Jean Chrétien cites the act as one of his greatest achievements as Prime Minister. Attacks on the Act also were aimed at Dion personally in French-speaking Quebec under the perception that he'd undermined fundamental democratic rights to self-determination.
Serge Chapleau, the caricaturist for
La Presse, began portraying Dion as a rat, while
Parti Québécois leader
Bernard Landry called Dion "the most hated politician in the history of Quebec" ("le politicien le plus détesté de l'histoire du Québec")..
Views on federalism
Dion has often been described in Quebec as a
Trudeau centralist due to his strong defense of
Canadian federalism and forceful arguments against Quebec sovereignists. However, his position on federalism is far more nuanced. It would be most accurate to describe him as a federal autonomist. While Dion supports cooperation, flexibility, and interdependence in the Canadian federation, he unequivocally argues against jurisdictional intrusion by stating that "the Constitution must be respected. We must do away with the all-too-convenient excuse that a given governmental initiative responds to a need that's too urgent to be stymied by issues of 'jurisdiction.' Infringement of jurisdiction creates confusion which damages the quality of public policy." Dion's position on provincial rights isn't only the result of respect for the
Constitution of Canada, but also a strategy to prevent the "joint decision trap" in which the capacity of a government's ability to act is restricted by the need for approval from the other constituent governments.
Dion has contested the political concentration on the division of powers between the federal and provincial governments, arguing that:
» "... [I]dentity, rather than the division of powers, that's at the source of our unity problem. Francophone Quebecers want the assurance that their language and culture can flourish with the support of other Canadians. They want to feel that their language and culture are seen by other Canadians as an important asset, rather than a burden. They want the assurance that they can be both Quebecers and Canadians, and that they don't have to choose between Quebec and Canada."
In the same vein, Dion was the planner of the 1999 social union agreement, which, according to rabble.ca journalist Duncan Cameron, limited the national spending jurisdiction.
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Gomery Inquiry and 2004 election (January 2004–July 2004)
Dion had a prominent role within the Chrétien administration at the time of the
sponsorship scandal, and his position as "National Unity" minister (an unofficial term for the Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs) made him a figure of particular interest to the subsequent
Commission of Inquiry into the Sponsorship Program and Advertising Activities (the
Gomery Commission). He stated before the Gomery Commission that although in mid-2001 he was aware of the disproportionately large percentage of sponsorship funds going to Quebec, he was never directly involved in the administration of the program. Indeed, Dion had been critical of the program while in cabinet, and openly doubted that it would do much to sway Quebecers from sovereignty.Along with most of the other ministers in the Chrétien cabinet, Dion was exonerated of all responsibility in the affair in the Phase I report of the
Gomery Commission:
» "On the evidence there's no basis for attributing blame or responsibility to any other Minister of the Chrétien Cabinet [exceptingJean Chrétien and
Alfonso Gagliano], since they, like all members of Parliament, were not informed of the initiatives being authorized by Mr. [Jean]
Pelletier and their funding from the Unity Reserve."
In early 2007, after winning the Liberal Party leadership, Dion suggested that
Marc-Yvan Côté's lifetime ban against rejoining the party may have been an excessive punishment for Côté's involvement in the scandal. He later clarified his remarks, saying that he wouldn't take any steps to reinstate Côté's party membership and that such reinstatement would probably not occur. Dion has also defended Jean Pelletier, saying that the former Mayor of
Quebec City had "served the country well for decades."
After
Paul Martin's assumption of the office of
Prime Minister, Dion was dropped from Cabinet as part of a general effort to dissociate the new Liberal government from the outgoing Chrétien administration. He was also criticized by
Jean Lapierre, Martin's new Quebec Lieutenant. Lapierre was a Quebec nationalist and founder of the
Bloc Québécois and his views on intergovernmental relations differed significantly from Dion's. At one stage in the buildup to the 2004 election, Lapierre described Dion's Clarity Act as "useless", and although Manitoba Premier
Gary Doer said the legislation was "extremely popular" in
Western Canada, Martin defended Lapierre by saying that the Act would make little difference under his administration. An unconfirmed CTV report in 2004 claimed that Martin's organizers were planning a nomination challenge in Dion's riding.
At the time of the
June 2004 federal election, Liberal support had dropped significantly, especially in Quebec where various members of the party had been implicated in the
Sponsorship scandal. The Liberal campaign rebounded somewhat in its final days, but the Liberals were still reduced to a minority government due in part to their defeat in Quebec at the hands of the
Bloc Québécois..
With Quebec MPs in short supply, Paul Martin brought Dion in from the cold, returning him to the front benches on
July 20,
2004 as
Minister of the Environment.
Minister of the Environment (July 2004–February 2006)
Shortly after his appointment, a
Globe and Mail article described Dion as being "bent on transforming the environment dossier from the traditional tree-hugger's last stand into a forward-thinking economic portfolio." Dion championed a "new industrial revolution" focussed on "environmentally-sustainable technologies and products", and he sought to nurture a collaborative relationship with big business rather than a confrontational one. His maiden speech before the Calgary Chamber of Commerce illustrates just how accommodating he was ready to be: "Calgary is one of Canada's most impressive economic engines.... Alberta could soon be the second-largest oil-exporting jurisdiction on Earth, behind Saudi Arabia. This is tremendous blessing for Canada."
Dion's ministry declined to protect Sakinaw and Cultus
sockeye salmon under the
Species at Risk Act because it "could cost the sockeye fishing industry $125 million in lost revenue by 2008,". This led to some criticism from environmentalists.
Dion earned high praise for his work chairing the
U.N. Climate Change summit (COP 11/MOP 1) in Montreal in 2005. Later, when Dion's record as environment minister was under scrutiny in the closing days of the Liberal leadership campaign, former
Sierra Club of Canada director and current leader of the
Green Party of Canada Elizabeth May came to his defence, calling him a "very very good environment minister."
The government didn't make significant progress towards reducing Canada's greenhouse gas emissions during Dion's brief tenure in office. In April 2005, Dion unveiled his "Project Green" to combat climate change, but the program was immediately criticized by some environmental groups for being too timid and for lacking in meaningful regulations. Johanne Gélinas, Canada's environment commissioner, criticized the government's stewardship of marine areas and national parks, as well as its efforts to ensure the safety of drinking water.
In February 2006, after the Liberals had been defeated and the Conservatives had taken over the reins of government, Dion said that Canada would very likely not be able to reach its Kyoto targets. Nevertheless, he argued that this was missing the point:
» "Everyone is saying target, target. But ... it's to be more than to reach a target. It's to change the economy. It's to have resource productivity, energy efficiency when we know that energy will be the next crisis for the economy of the world.... All my ministries will be green. Maybe I'll make one department of industry and the environment -- a department of sustainability. That's not a commitment, but if you want to change the mind, you've to change structure...."
Liberal Leadership candidate (April 2006-December 2006)
April 7, the day of the official beginning of the Liberal leadership race. His leadership campaign was referred to as the three-pillar approach. This approach focused on social justice, economic prosperity, and environmental sustainability, and a claim that a combination of these pillars would bring
Canada into the 21st century.He said that his campaign would focus on
sustainable development of the
economy and creating a "hyper-educated" Canadian workforce in order to compete with
China.
Dion was a lower-key figure during most of the leadership race, with much of the media and political attention being centered on the race's two most high-profile candidates,
Michael Ignatieff and former
Ontario New Democratic Party premier
Bob Rae. Federal
NDP leader
Jack Layton described Dion as "A man of principle and conviction and therefore almost certain not to be elected leader of the Liberal party." For much of the campaign, front-runner Ignatieff had the strongest support in Dion's home province of Quebec. Dion's level of support was similar to that of former Ontario cabinet minister
Gerard Kennedy, both candidates being in a distant third/fourth place, though still significantly higher than the other four leadership contestants.
On
December 2,
2006 at the Liberal Party leadership convention, Dion finished third after the first ballot, garnering 17.8% of the delegates. After the second ballot,
Gerard Kennedy threw his support behind Dion. Earlier, the two leadership contenders had allegedly struck a pact in which the first off the ballot would throw his support to the other. Pundits said that this surprise move had caught the Ignatieff and Rae strategists off guard.
(External Link) When the totals of the third ballot were released, Dion held a narrow lead with 37%, followed closely by
Michael Ignatieff with 34.5%.
Bob Rae, with only 28.5%, freed his delegates, many of whom backed Dion, as did former leadership candidates
Ken Dryden and
Joe Volpe. On the fourth ballot, Dion captured 54.7% of votes cast and was declared the 11th leader of the Liberal Party of Canada.
As Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition (December 2006–present)
After Stéphane Dion was elected as the leader, the Liberal Party experienced a sudden surge in their poll numbers. The Conservatives regained their lead shortly thereafter, although the parties were again tied for support in the summer of 2007. (for polling specifics, see the "Opinion polls" section of the
40th Canadian federal election article).
As rumours circulated of a possible election in early 2007, Dion bolstered the image of a Liberal Party renewed and healed of its internal divisions by appointing many of his former leadership rivals to key campaign positions.
Michael Ignatieff was named deputy leader,
Bob Rae and
Scott Brison became platform development co-chairs,
Gerard Kennedy was named special adviser for election readiness and renewal,
Martha Hall Findlay was charged with platform outreach, and
Ken Dryden, who received special acknowledgement from Dion for being "the heart of our party", was tasked "to be everywhere".
In early January 2007, Dion made a leadership decision in regards to
Wajid Khan, a Liberal MP who was serving as a Middle-East advisor to the Prime Minister. Dion thought it was inappropriate for a member of the Official Opposition to be serving the government so he told Khan to give up the position. Dion was confident that Khan would stay with the caucus and give up advising the Prime Minister, but Khan chose to cross the floor, and join the Conservative caucus instead.
On January 18, 2007, Dion unveiled the remainder of the Liberal opposition's
shadow cabinet (see
Official Opposition Shadow Cabinet (Canada) for a complete list of appointments). Shortly after Dion lead the Liberal caucus in its rejection of the 2007 Conservative budget, arguing that it failed Canadians on economic prosperity, social justice and environmental sustainability.
In response, the Conservatives would launch a series of attack ads aimed directly at Dion, attacking his leadership abilities and record as Environment Minister Similar ads attacking Dion would appear in November over statements that Dion would prefer new spending on health care and social programs to cuts to the
Goods and Services Tax introduced by the Conservatives.
Parliamentary Opposition
On February 1, Dion tabled a motion challenging the Conservatives to reaffirm Canada's commitment to the
Kyoto Protocol, attempting to capitalized on a 2002 letter in which Prime Minister Harper described the Accord as a "socialist scheme" that's based on "tentative and contradictory scientific evidence" and designed to suck money out of rich countries. Tory environment minister
John Baird responded by blaming the Liberals for what he described as a "shameful record over 13 years of inaction on the environment," Dion's non-binding motion passed on February 5.
On February 27, Dion's Liberals, together with Bloc Québécois and NDP members of Parliament, voted down a Harper government proposal to extend two controversial provisions of the
Anti-Terrorism Act for another three years. Dion argued that the measures – which allowed police to arrest and detain terror suspects for three days without a warrant and which allowed judges to force witnesses to testify in terror cases – "have done nothing to fight against terrorism" and "have not been helpful and have continued to create some risk for civil liberties."
Facing taunts from the Prime Minister over perceived policy reversals regarding Afghanistan, carbon taxes, and anti-terror measures, diminished Liberal support in polls (see "Opinion polls" section of
40th Canadian federal election article), and an apparent waning of enthusiasm for his leadership, Dion initiated a week cross-country tour on March 2, starting off with a speech delivered in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia. The tour sought to refocus public attention on the broader "three pillars" (economic growth, social justice, environmental sustainability) of his political programme, and included a series of speeches highlighting Liberal platform positions on social programs, finance, crime prevention, and First Nations' issues. It culminated in the unveiling of a new environmental policy endorsing the implementation of "hard caps" on greenhouse gas emissions for companies in high-polluting sectors. Companies would be forced to pay into a green accounts when they exceeded absolute emissions targets, and make withdrawals for new green projects. Dion criticized Harper government policies of "intensity-based" cuts which allowed polluters to increase their absolute emissions. NDP Leader Jack Layton criticized Dion, as he'd supported "intensity based" cuts in the past
On April 12, 2007, Dion announced that the Liberals wouldn't run a candidate against
Green Party leader
Elizabeth May in the Nova Scotia riding of
Central Nova (currently represented by Conservative
Peter MacKay) in return for the
Green Party leader's agreement not to run a Green candidate in Dion's riding of
Saint-Laurent—Cartierville. The deal was criticized by the Conservatives and the NDP (
Jack Layton had rejected earlier attempts by May to cut a "backroom" deal with his party), and also by some within the Liberal Party. Dion later gave reassurance that the controversial deal was "an exceptional circumstance where Liberal voters are invited to help her [May] to win against Peter MacKay."
On November 8, 2007, Dion released a policy plan, that he compared to the
United Kingdom's
Labour Party under former Prime Minister
Tony Blair. Dion mentioned that his party will tackle
poverty in Canada in order to create a "greener", "richer" and "fairer" Canada. He set up targets to reduce general poverty by 30 percent and child poverty by 50 percent as well as helping working families with work rewards as well as increasing the Canada Child Tax benefit, increasing guaranteed revenues for seniors. In an editorial in the
National Post, economist Alex MacMillan notes that the poverty targets Dion has set are based on a Statistics Canada measure that the statistical agency has stated isn't a poverty measure (
LICO), and that by using what is in effect a relative income measure rather than an absolute poverty measure, Dion is essentially aiming to flatten the income distribution of Canadians.
In 2008, as part of a measure for cutting greenhouse emissions, Dion called for a carbon price but didn't called it a tax. He also praised a similar measure introduced and approved by the
British Columbia government in the 2008 provincial budget as well as the province of Quebec that introduced a carbon-based tax which revenues will be used for green technologies. Critics from other parties as well as some Liberal MPs said that the plan "is too confusing, expensive and politically risky". Environmontal Minister John Baird told that the plan was "made on Bay Street" and is actually supported by big business and polluters". The plan received support from
David Suzuki who've added that on CTV's Question Period that: "To oppose (the carbon tax plan), its just nonsense. It's certainly the way we got to go".
Internal discord
The first federal
by-elections contested by the Liberals under Dion's leadership took place on
September 18,
2007 in three Quebec ridings:
Roberval—Lac-Saint-Jean,
Outremont and
Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot. The party's candidates were defeated by large margins in all three races. The
Outremont by-election was deemed a crucial test for Dion's leadership by some pundits, as it had been held by the Liberals almost uninterruptedly since 1935. Others said it was a "poor measure of where the parties really stand.".Dion's handpicked candidate
Jocelyn Coulon was defeated by the NDP's
Thomas Mulcair. A Dion aide blamed the Outremont by-election on several factors, including poor organization, lack of communications, and lack of a clear policy on Quebec, while former MP
Jean Lapierre suggested that it was due to Dion's 14% approval rating in the province.
(External Link) In addition, the Halifax Chronicle-Herald reported that unidentified "Dion loyalists" were accusing
Michael Ignatieff supporters of undermining by-election efforts. Though Ignatieff phoned up Dion to deny the allegations, the
Globe and Mail suggested that the report had a negative impact on the Liberals' morale, citing the NDP's widening lead after the article's release.
(External Link) (External Link) (External Link) Undaunted, Dion declared: "From this defeat, we can learn something and work together as a united party.."
On
September 23,
2007,
Liberal Party national director Jamie Carroll sparked controversy when, during discussions about whether francophone Quebecers should be hired in order to appeal to francophone voters, he commented: "Do we also have to hire people from the Chinese community to represent the Chinese community?" Carroll argued that the comment was taken out of context, but it nevertheless raised the hackles of many Liberals in Quebec, prompting calls from MPs
Pablo Rodriguez and
Liza Frulla for Carroll to be fired. Stéphane Dion affirmed Carroll's version of events and rejected calls for Carroll's dismissal. On October 10, a
Liberal press release announced Carroll's resignation and commended him for his "loyalty to our leader and to our party".
Marcel Proulx resigned as Dion's
Quebec lieutenant hours before the Harper government's throne speech, taking the fall for the three by-election losses. Dion first approached Montreal MPs
Denis Coderre and
Pablo Rodriguez to succeed Proulx, but they declined. That evening he named Senator
Céline Hervieux-Payette to the vacant post.
(External Link) While the Party was divided on whether or not the government should be toppled on a confidence vote regarding the Throne Speech, Dion mentioned in a statement in the House of Commons on October 17 that the Liberals will support the
Throne Speech but with major amendments including the Kyoto Protocol and the end of mission in Afghanistan by 2009 and had criticized the government on several aspects including the economy, seniors and child poverty, the crime policy, the Senate reform. The latter amendment proposal was rejected by the
New Democratic Party who are favoring an immediate end to the mission. Dion explained the decision as that the Canadians are not willing to have a third election in just over three years.. All Liberal members abstained from voting on the Throne Speech on October 24, 2007 which passed 126–79.
Marc Garneau initially stated that he wasn't part of Dion's vision after being passed over for a riding nomination. Since then, Dion and Garneau have reconciled, and Garneau will run to succeed outgoing longtime MP
Lucienne Robillard in Westmount-Ville-Marie.
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The Liberal Party won three of four
by-elections held on March 17, 2008, as Dion's former leadership rivals
Bob Rae and
Martha Hall Findlay won convincing victories in
Toronto Centre and
Willowdale and
Joyce Murray was narrowly returned for
Vancouver Quadra. The Conservatives won a fourth contest in the northern
Saskatchewan riding of
Desnethé—Missinippi—Churchill River, which the Liberals had narrowly taken in the previous election. Dion declared the results a victory for his party, while also noting that some Liberal support was siphoned off to the
Green Party.. Some journalists described the outcome as a mixed result for both the Liberal Party and Dion's leadership.
Miscellaneous
Dion's family has a husky named "Kyoto" which they purchased "to cheer themselves up after the Liberals lost the last [2006] election." However, Dion wasn't the first environment minister or Liberal to have a dog by that name. David Anderson also has a schnauzer named Kyoto which he purchased one week after Canada's ratification of the Kyoto Accord.
In May 1999, Dion was the object of a pie-in-the-face gag orchestrated by the Montreal group, les Entartistes. The group's stated focus is to "deflate" influential political figures, and they've successfully pied several Canadian federal and provincial politicians, with past targets including Jean Chrétien and Ralph Klein. Dion wasn't amused and pressed charges, resulting in convictions of assault against two members of the pie-throwing group. They were given suspended sentences.
Dion holds dual citizenship through his mother, who was born in France. Other MPs holding dual citizenship include Conservative Minister of Health Tony Clement, Conservative MP Myron Thompson, and NDP caucus members Libby Davies and Olivia Chow.
Notes and references
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